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『簡體書』论美国民主(下卷) 英文版原版 [法] 阿·托克维尔 著 经典英语文库入选书目 世界经典文学名著 英语原版无删减

書城自編碼: 3523471
分類: 簡體書→大陸圖書→外語英語讀物
作者: [法] 阿·托克维尔 著
國際書號(ISBN): 9787205098926
出版社: 辽宁人民出版社
出版日期: 2020-07-01

頁數/字數: /
書度/開本: 48开 釘裝: 平装

售價:NT$ 300

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編輯推薦:
政治学经典著作
*部对美国社会、政治制度和民情进行社会学研究的著作
*部记述美国民主制度的专著
內容簡介:
本书作为*经典英语文库第13辑中的一种,精选由法国著名政治思想家阿托克维尔的经典作品《论美国民主(下卷)》。本书的基本思想在于承认贵族制度衰落的必然性和平等与民主势不可挡的发展趋势。它既是*部对美国社会、政治制度和民情进行综合研究的著作,也是*部记述美国民主制度的专著。作者把民主作为一个对象来观察,没有掺杂自己的观点加以论证,使读者得以看到那个时代美国社会的真实面貌。《论美国的民主》使他享有世界声誉。
關於作者:
法国著名政治思想家,他在继承近代以来西方资产阶级民主政治思想传统的基础上,主张用新的政治理论来建立一个崭新的民主世界。
目錄
CONTENTS 1
CONTENTS
BOOK TWO
SECTION 1
CHAPTER 1 5
CHAPTER 2 12
CHAPTER 3 18
CHAPTER 4 25
CHAPTER 5 27
CHAPTER 6 38
CHAPTER 7 40
CHAPTER 8 42
CHAPTER 9 45
CHAPTER 10 52
CHAPTER 11 61
CHAPTER 12 68
CHAPTER 13 71
DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA 2
CHAPTER 14 79
CHAPTER 15 80
CHAPTER 16 83
CHAPTER 17 92
CHAPTER 18 100
CHAPTER 19 102
CHAPTER 20 109
CHAPTER 21 114
SECTION 2
CHAPTER 1 123
CHAPTER 2 128
CHAPTER 3 131
CHAPTER 4 133
CHAPTER 5 139
CHAPTER 6 145
CHAPTER 7 150
CHAPTER 8 157
CHAPTER 9 162
CHAPTER 10 165
CHAPTER 11 168
CHAPTER 12 171
CONTENTS 3
CHAPTER 13 173
CHAPTER 14 178
CHAPTER 15 182
CHAPTER 16 189
CHAPTER 17 191
CHAPTER 18 195
CHAPTER 19 198
CHAPTER 20 205
BOOK THREE
CHAPTER 1 213
CHAPTER 2 220
CHAPTER 3 223
CHAPTER 4 228
CHAPTER 5 230
CHAPTER 6 241
CHAPTER 7 245
CHAPTER 8 248
CHAPTER 9 256
CHAPTER 10 260
CHAPTER 11 264
DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA 4
CHAPTER 12 273
CHAPTER 13 278
CHAPTER 14 281
CHAPTER 15 286
CHAPTER 16 291
CHAPTER 17 295
CHAPTER 18 298
CHAPTER 19 314
CHAPTER 20 322
CHAPTER 21 325
CHAPTER 22 341
CHAPTER 23 350
CHAPTER 24 355
CHAPTER 25 361
CHAPTER 26 364
BOOK FOUR
CHAPTER 1 375
CHAPTER 2 377
CHAPTER 3 382
CHAPTER 4 387
CONTENTS 5
CHAPTER 5 395
CHAPTER 6 411
CHAPTER 7 419
CHAPTER 8 430
APPENDIX TO PARTS I AND II 435
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA 474
BILL OF RIGHTS 493
內容試閱
DE TOCQUEVILLE''S PREFACE
TO THE SECOND PART
T
he Americans live in a democratic state of
society, which has naturally suggested to
them certain laws and a certain political character.
This same state of society has, moreover, engendered
amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions
which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic
communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified
all the relations which before existed, and established
others of a novel kind. Theaspect of civil society
has been no less affected by these changes than that
of the political world. The former subject has been
treated of in the work on the Democracy of America,
which I published five years ago; to examine the latter
is the object of the present book; but these two parts
complete each other, and form one and the same work.
I must at once warn the reader against an error
which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he
finds that I attribute so many different consequences
to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that
I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all
that takes place in the present age: but this would
be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude
of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in
existence, which owe their origin to circumstances
unconnected with or even contrary to the principle
of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States
as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of
DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA 2
the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion
of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their
former habits, have exercised, and still exercise,
independently of democracy, a vast influence upon
the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different
causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of
the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe,
and would explain a great portion of the occurrences
taking place amongst us.
I acknowledge the existence of all these different
causes, and their power, but my subject does not
lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken to
unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our
notions: my only object is to show in what respects the
principle of equality has modified both the former and
the latter.
Some readers may perhaps be astonished that
firmly persuaded as I am that the democratic
revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible
fact against which it would be neither desirable nor
wise to struggleI should often have had occasion
in this book to address language of such severity to
those democratic communities which this revolution
has brought into being. My answer is simply, that it
is because I am not an adversary of democracy, that I
have sought to speak of democracy in all sincerity.
Men will not accept truth at the hands of their
enemies, and truth is seldom offered to them by
their friends: for this reason I have spoken it. I was
persuaded that many would take upon themselves to
announce the new blessings which the principle of
equality promises to mankind, but that few would
dare to point out from afar the dangers with which it
threatens them. To those perils therefore I have turned
my chief attention, and believing that I had discovered
them clearly, I have not had the cowardice to leave
them untold.
I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part
DE TocquEvIllE''S PrEfacETo ThE SEconD ParT 3
that impartiality which seems to have been remarked
in the former work. Placed as I am in the midst of the
conflicting opinions between which we are divided, I
have endeavored to suppress within me for a time the
favorable sympathies or the adverse emotions with
which each of them inspires me. If those who read this
book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any
of the great parties which have agitated my country,
or any of those petty factions which now harass and
weaken it, let such readers raise their voices to accuse
me.
The subject I have sought to embrace is immense,
for it includes the greater part of the feelings and
opinions to which the new state of society has given
birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength,
and in treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying
myself. But, if I have not been able to reach the goal
which I had in view, my readers will at least do me
the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and
followed up my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy
of success.
A. De T.
March, 1840

 

 

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